Thursday, October 10, 2019

Buy to Let

I thought it a wild goose chase, but my wife pressed me to give it a go. She was worried about our financial situation, "If only we had a little security...."
"Security is a menace to the development of character." 
"What?"
"Henry Miller."
"If he's so clever, maybe he'd like to put bread on our table." 
"He's dead."
A bookkeeper friend had made a fortune by buying properties and renting them out. Lots of people were doing it; so why not us? She didn't mean "us", of course - she was working hard enough as it was - she meant "me".
Advice on the web recommended property auctions, so I did a little research and picked out Manchester and Blackpool as having good prospects. Our savings didn't amount to much, and I knew it was no use looking in London or the Cotswolds. Also Manchester and Blackpool were close together so I could visit both on the same trip. My thinking was pretty simple, I suppose, and muddled. But what did I know? A Lancashire auctioneer sent me a catalogue and a calendar of viewing dates.
During the train journey north I marked up the properties I thought might be interesting. It was wintry, mid-February. Rain fell unremittingly during the journey, and the clouds, low and heavy, cast a gloom over the countryside. Inside the train, passengers sat wrapped in overcoats and scarves against an icy current of air streaming from the ventilation system. No apology came from the rail operator for the lack of heating, nor when the train stopped for an hour and fifty-four minutes north west of Wolverhampton, though we did get an explanation: a dead dog on the line.
I'd been hoping to visit the auctioneer's office, but the train delay meant that it was closed by the time we drew in at Manchester. I booked into a small downtown hotel for the night and the next day took a taxi to my first viewing. 
Regenerated and with an air of prosperity, the city centre proved to be no more than a deceptive enclave. Beyond it, the urban landscape resembled an abandoned backstage lot, a wasteland of overflowing litter bins, polythene garbage bags, discarded pallets, empty shops and warehouses, shuttered pubs, houses boarded up with weather-stained plywood sheets. Vacant plots were strewn with rubble from demolished buildings. For the last mile of the journey, the driver had to dodge broken bricks, pieces of twisted iron and chunks of concrete left lying in the streets. "Wouldn't like to drive round 'ere in the dark," he said as I paid him. "If they 'ad any sense, they'd clear it all away and start again. Used to be lively round 'ere when I was a kid. Look at it now."
A handful of people had shown up for the viewing and were gathered in front of the house. 
"Agent's late as usual," one of them muttered. 
I glanced up and down the street of terraced redbricks. Half a dozen of the dwellings were vacant and creeping towards dereliction, but attempts had been made to brighten up the others. Front doors were painted in bright reds, yellows and greens. Several displayed vases of fresh flowers in their front windows. Crossing the road to take a perspective on the sale property, I spotted a tiny, middle-aged woman struggling along the pavement with shopping bags. I approached and offered to carry them.
"You're a big strapping lad," she said. "You're not going to run off with my groceries, are you?"
She spoke in a broad Lancashire brogue of gentle, unpasteurised vowels. "Just as far as number 12, then. It's very kind."        
I asked her if she liked living in the district.
 "B'in 'ere all me life, I 'ave. Wouldn't catch me no place else. Not no more. Too old to move now even if I could afford it. It's really quite nice. And the rent is ever so reasonable." 
We passed two women in curlers and housecoats, chatting. They, too, were tiny with skin and bone faces and spindle arms. Their clothes drooped from them in shapeless folds.
"Thanks for 'elping 'er love," one of them said. "Not as young as she used to be, are you our Aida?"
"Never mind my age," Aida retorted. "You'll be there afore you know't."
We reached Aida's house and I set her bags on the doorstep. 
"They shouldn't 'ave stopped the buses, mind you," she said. "Used to come every ten minutes, just up there in Pickling Street. All through the war we 'ad buses. Stopped 'em five year ago now. They don't care about the poor no more. You comin' to live 'ere?"
"Perhaps."
Aida rang the bell and the front door opened to reveal a spindly young man in jeans, hollow chested, face pale and pitted with acne scars. 
"Me son. He's a good lad really."
The good lad glanced at me briefly then, without saying a word, took the bags inside. I turned to go.
"You'll like it 'ere," Aida called after me. "People are ever so nice."
A battered red Ford drew up in front of the house I had come to see. Two men got out. One wore a cloth cap and a threadbare overcoat, the other a padded nylon jacket and grey trousers shiny with age.
"I'm the agent's man," the latter said to the assembled group of viewers. "Name's Jack. Sorry I'm late. Bit of trouble with the car. That right Derek?"
Derek, his companion nodded.
Both men were in their fifties. Jack, the taller by a head, carried a bunch of keys. He tried several before he found one that fitted.
"I'm in charge, right Derek?" He pushed open the door and ushered us in.
A two-up and two-down worker's cottage, it smelled musty and damp. On both floors,  the rear wall bulged with crumbling mortar.
"Better to knock these houses down," someone remarked.
“They were going to do that according to what I heard," Jack volunteered. 
In ten minutes we were all outside again. 
Jack led us to a second house in the next block. This too was damp, empty and dispiriting.
"Waste of time." One of our group said, in a voice redolent of the Indian sub-continent. "Came round just to see. But we're sticking to the better areas nowadays. All this lot should be condemned and the sooner it goes the better if you ask me."
He got into a silver BMW, and roared off. Gradually, the other viewers also left. Lacking transportation of my own I asked Jack if could give me a lift to the next house on his list.
"Dunno about that," said Jack. "I've already got Derek, and there's not much room."
He was right. The rear seat of his car was occupied by a miscellany of tools, a large cardboard box, several pairs old shoes, bundles of magazines and newspapers.
"Still," said Jack, "It's only Derek, He'll manage in the back, that right Derek?"
Derek managed, and I got into the front passenger seat, placing my feet on a pile of oily rags. The interior stank of petrol fumes. Jack started the car, but stopped it again.
"Fuel leak."
He jumped out and raised the bonnet.
Derek and I got out too.
"What do you think, Derek?" Jack asked.
Derek stuck his head into the bonnet for a moment and muttered unintelligibly.
"You may well think that, Derek," said Jack, "But I think otherwise. No offence meant Derek. But you're no mechanic, are you? Fetch my tool box Derek, there's a good man. It's in the boot."
Derek duly complied. Jack selected a trio of spanners of different gauges with which he adjusted nuts on the carburettor and fuel filter, alternatively tightening then loosening them. 
"That'll 'ave to do," he said at length. 
We clambered in and set off. 
"Still smells of fuel," said Jack. "Right Derek?"
Derek mumbled what sounded like assent.
At the next house, in a neighbourhood called Moston, scarcely less dreary than the first though as yet unassailed by demolition crews, a women was waiting in a green two-seater MG. An ashtray full of butts rested on the passenger seat beside her.
"Thought you weren't coming," she said to Jack. 
In her mid-fifties, she was dressed in a red woollen suit flecked with grey cigarette ash. "Bought a property last year in Brighouse and it's doing ever so well," she said, taking a last long draw of her cigarette before dropping the butt on the pavement. Her yellowed-stained fingers shook nervously.
The house we had come to see was occupied but the tenants were out. This one too smelled of damp and wood rot. Mould grew on the ceilings. Wallpaper hung limply from walls that glistened with moisture and salts. Beds stood in every room except the kitchen which was furnished with a hot plate, an upholstered armchair with a broken arm, four upright chairs, and a formica table on which lay a partially completed application form for entry to a local college of nursing. The applicant's name - Miss Mumtoza Butalezi - was written in blue ballpoint at the top of the page.
"They'll all be blacks in this house," said the woman in red. "You can smell them."
Last house of the tour was in yet another district, Gorton, whose streetscape of dreary terraces and decaying shops was by now familiar. I was struck by the absence of vegetation: no hedges, or shrubs in front gardens, no parks, no playgrounds for children, no evidence of civic pride. People in the street looked undernourished, like trees clinging to life on a blasted heath. Even the buildings looked gaunt and cold as if the sun never warmed them.
We had not yet reached our destination when the car's engine began to scream. Jack shifted into neutral, cut the ignition and steered us into the roadside. 
"Problem this time we have Derek."
The accelerator pedal had jettisoned its spring and now lay flat and loose beneath Jack's feet. For a moment he was nonplussed. I offered a few suggestions from the encyclopaedia of my ignorance and when these were rejected, proposed that we call a breakdown service.
"They'll charge more than the car's worth," Jack said. "I didn't buy it new, you know. Twenty-five years old is this car. Pretty good for its age. We can fix this. No trouble at all." 
He turned to Derek.
"Now then, young man, look sharp. There's a ball of twine back there somewhere."
Derek mumbled, and it occurred to me that his slurred speech was probably the result of a stroke. He flapped around inconclusively until Jack directed him to the cardboard box.
"There you are," Jack said his confidence evidently intact. "You just have to use your eyes."
Derek handed him the ball of twine which he flourished as if it were a lottery win.
"Look and you shall find, Derek. Look and you shall find."
Derek's role, I understood, was not to contribute but to stand as evidence that there was someone in Jack's world who stood below him in life's pecking order. 
Jack busied himself with the repair. He attached a line to the throttle which he then threaded first through the side of the bonnet and then the window on the driver's side. By pulling or slackening the line he was able control the tension on the throttle. We climbed in, Jack restarted the engine and we move off. Somehow he managed to change gears, maintain steering, and control the revs all with his hands. His timing was so excellent that it was hard to tell he wasn't using a conventional accelerator.
When at length we arrived at the next house, last of the day, we were already an hour behind schedule. No one was waiting. Pinned to the front door was a notice stating that the building was structurally dangerous and warning people not to enter. 
"You can see it from the outside," Jack said. 
I pretended to look but lacked stomach for the fight.
A few steps away, on the main road, was a little cafe with a menu board outside. I invited my companions to lunch as a way of thanking them for taking me as passenger. Jack responded with enthusiasm. It was hungry work showing all these houses, what with the car breaking down and all that.
The cafe consisted of half a dozen tables covered with plastic red and white cloths. A counter divided the dining area from the kitchen at the rear. Steam mingled with the odour of lard and tobacco smoke. Jack and Derek ordered egg and chips; I less wisely opted for the day's special - Irish stew - which came as a mélange of soggy cabbage, unseasoned dumplings and thin gravy. Afterwards we all had suet pudding and custard and a mug of tea.
Jack gave me his card, one side of which had a telephone number and a message: “If you have a problem. I can help. Just call Jack.” Printed on the reverse were a sketch of an angel and the words: “Complaints Department”.
“Anything that needs doing, I can do it," Jack said. "Derek here will vouch for that." 
We parted outside the café: Jack - with Derek's moral support - to make a more permanent fix for the accelerator pedal, and I to the bus stop across the road from where the number 34 would take me to the railway station and thence to Blackpool.
"You won't mention the car problems to Pethers & Wilson?" Jack asked as we shook hands. "They won't pay me if they find out I was late for the some of the viewings." 
My reassurances brought a smile to his lips.
"Don't forget," he said, "You can always come to the Complaints Department. Jack'll solve the problem."
I spent the night in one of Blackpool's featureless B&Bs, a charmless, draughty warren with red flower-pattern carpet, red flower-pattern wallpaper and cream curtains printed with red flowers. The landlords, a young couple who had just acquired the premises were worried about covering their mortgage payments and begged me to write them a recommendation. They seemed to think it would help them qualify for a seal of approval from the local chamber of commerce, or the tourist board. After an uncomfortable night in a tiny bed, a lukewarm shower in front of a window that wouldn't close, and a squalid breakfast of egg and sausage drenched in fat, I wrote them a glowing testimonial. On leaving, I wished them good luck, for in a town where every other building offered accommodation, and where theirs had so little to recommend it, luck was about all they had to fall back on.
Blackpool was rumoured to be the next - the first - British Las Vegas. Casinos occupied a central plank of the government's latest economic strategy - a means of counteracting the city's and the nation's terminal industrial decline. Where better to re-create Las Vegas than Blackpool, playground of the people, host of annual Party conferences, bingo-hall capital of little England? Soon the town would be humming with gamblers, and with carpetbaggers vying for ways to relieve them of their money. Property prices would sky-rocket. In no time, the demand for accommodation would exceed even the immense supply already available. 
You couldn't lose in Blackpool.
This confident assessment came courtesy of a middle-aged businessman wearing designer jeans and an expensive leather coat whom I met on the doorstep of the house we had both come to see.
One block from the southerly - less fashionable - end of Blackpool's immense beachfront, it stood in a line of Victorian semis whose flaking paint, cracked cornices and sagging roof-gutters could not disguise that they had once been the castle keep of respectable middle-class families. After Manchester's dank terraces, I could hardly contain my excitement that here, at last, was a house worth the inspection, a house for all that it might have come down in the world since the Empress of India had presided over an empire on which the sun never set, still stood as evidence of a more gracious era and would surely require little more than a lick of paint and a new carpet to put it in condition to earn a handsome rent.
The businessman had arrived at the wheel of a shiny black Mercedes with tinted windows. He was smoking a large cigar.
"Bloody estate agent's not here again," he said.
"Again?"
"They often don't bother with crummy properties. Too embarrassed."
He knocked loudly on the door and then pushed it open. I followed him in. A young man greeted us and offered to show us round. Painfully thin, he wore loose sweat pants that hung from him like sails in a calm, and a fleece with a large hole in the right sleeve. He led us along a dark corridor to an empty room at the back of the house. 
"Supposed to be the kitchen," our guide informed us, "but we can't afford a cooker and the landlord won't put one in. The downstairs toilet's in there." He indicated a door to the left of the corridor. "Don't work though. We have to use the public toilets on the sea front."
My companion had seen enough. He turned on his heels and left, leaving behind a parting comment that the place was falling down and he had better things to do."
According to the catalogue, the house was divided into two apartments. I asked the young man how they were arranged.
"No flats here," he said, "Just one house. Look here."
He led me part of the way back along the corridor to another room partitioned with a plastic curtain.
"I put this shower in. Runs on a hose from the garden tap. We had nowhere to wash. I mean you can't live like that, can you?"
The young man's father was sitting on an upright armchair in the front room before a single-bar electric fire.
"My dad's got cancer. He's still working mind you. Can't afford to retire." 
My guide raised his voice to address his father as if the latter were hard of hearing.
"All right dad? This man's come to look at the house."
The old man looked at me with defeated eyes, but he held out his hand and I grasped it.
"Going to buy the place, are you?” 
His son answered for me. "He's just looking ,dad." 
"Hope it works for you," the father said.
Upstairs was a warren of mainly empty rooms divided by plywood partitions. The floors sloped uniformly to one side like the deck of sailboat in a breeze.
"My sister had this room," said my guide, showing me a bare space with a torn curtain over the window. "Left last week. Gone to Manchester."
"No bed?"
"Slept on the floor."
We moved to the only furnished room on the second floor - a double bed with a sheet over the window. 
"This is where I sleep. It's dry in here. All the other rooms leak."
I asked him about the rent.
"My dad pays £95 a week and I pay £45. My sister paid £50 because they said she had a better room. Don't ask me how they work these things out. When it rained she had water running down her wall."
"Been here long?"
"More than four years now. We lost our council house. It's terrible here but we can't afford nothing else. I've got a pregnant wife, but how can she live like this?"
"Is she here?" 
"Went home to her mum. I mean she couldn't stay here, could she? Not with the baby coming."
 "Couldn't you get the owner to fix a few things at least?"
"Dunno who owns the place. Some company in Liverpool they say. I only know the rent collector. Says it's nothing to do with him. Just does what he's told"
"If I buy the house I'll fix it up for you," I said. But we both knew I wasn't going to buy it.
Nor did I attend the auction. There seemed no point.

Sunday, May 12, 2019

Democratic Accountability

 A spoof on what passes for democracy in a capitalist universe.

Historically,  Democratic Accountability denoted the obligation of those who govern to respond to the electorate either directly - through the ballot-box - or indirectly through congressional or parliamentary procedures.
    The phrase has retained its traditional meaning in the formal discourse of politicians and sections of the media. Elsewhere - and notably in the corporate sector - it refers to the rendering of accounts by politicians to those who provide funds to their party or to their electoral campaigns.
    Once considered scandalous, the practice was redefined in a famous paper by Professor Hiram B. von Schuchenfeld[1]  in which he showed that in a free society, where goods and services of every conceivable kind should be available for sale, it was illogical to  make an exception of democracy.  People should be at liberty, he argued, to spend as much money as they liked on the political party of their choice and to receive a return on their investment. Preventing them from doing so made a mockery of the democratic process. Schuchenfelt’s ideas encountered fierce opposition from rank-and-file sectors of the populace but gained wide acceptance where it counted most -  from corporations and the better-off. In 2035, after a period of tussle between the two contending groups, restrictions against the privatization of political parties were lifted; and all the major league parties duly incorporated. They now operate openly as businesses, serving - or promising to serve - the electorate as customers, while working to satisfy the demands of shareholders and financiers.
    Schuchenfelt went on to become the highest-paid corporate consultant in the history of the profession. Several of his aphorisms have entered the public lexicon, perhaps the most famous of which is: “What you can’t buy ain’t worth voting for”.

[1] H.B von Schuchenfeld: Is Democracy Democratic?, NRA Press,  Spartanburg, 2022.

Note: This is an extract from a book I wrote some years ago. It seems ever more relevant...

Monday, October 1, 2018

Sightlines from Labour's 2018 Conference


Contrasting emotions coursed through the 2018 Conference. Excitement abounded at the prospect of power that to some seemed almost close enough to touch. In the peroration of his closing speech to a packed auditorium, Jeremy Corbyn gave voice to that excitement by expressing the hope that by next year’s conference Labour would be in goverment. A confident prediction? Or premature euphoria with the potential for disappointment or frustration of a kind familiar to those who have experienced an unsuccessful coupling or failed a driving test?
At a fringe event for business people, I met a cluster of closet Tories happy to swallow their ideological pride in exchange for a chance to cosy up to Labour politicians. Coaxed into revealing their political affiliation, two of them assured me sotto voce that there would be no general election before 2022. Such without doubt, is the fervent wish of the incumbent of 10 Downing Street and her followers - and doubtless of even those Tories who would like to see the back of Mrs May and her replacement by a rebellious Brexit hardliner.
Indignation was the other predominant emotion and it came in several guises: anger at the ravages wrought on vulnerable communities by Tory austerity, revulsion at Theresa May’s “hostile environment” for so-called illegal immigrants which had resulted in the cruelties of Windrush, and dismay with a touch of Schadenfreude at the government’s shambolic mishandlng of Brexit.

Anguish at the plight of the Palestinians and support for the creation of a Palestinian state found expression not only in speeches by senior Labour figures, but in many conference attendees, Jews among them, who swapped the lanyard that came with their credential for one in the colours of the Palestinian flag.
Solidarity with the Palestinian people was a theme of the Conference for JVL (Jewish Voices for Labour), as was clear rejection of the accusations of antisemitism directed at Jeremy Corbyn by the Board of Deputies of British Jews, most of the UK media including the BBC, more than a few Tories, and even some Labour MPs. Nor was JVL alone in rejecting those accusations. Handing out pro-Corbyn leaflets at the entrance to the Conference Centre on the final day were two representatives of Naturei Karta - an Orthodox, anti-Zionist/anti-Israel Jewish sect considered extremist and even reviled by many Jews, including (full disclosure) some members of my own family. Naturei Karta are - be it said - no less Jewish for being a minority and, like JVL, they are a living refutation of the trope put out by the media of a single, unified Jewish community convinced that Corbyn and his entourage are antisemitic.
While the official Conference speeches and debates received the bulk of media coverage, most of the activity takes place at fringe events. On a full day, there are over 150 of these. They begin as early as 7am and continue late into the evening, with dozens underway simultaneously. Impossible, therefore, to cover the ground, to take in the full range of topics, debates, disputes, ideas, analyses and opinions on offer. The standard format consists of brief speeches from four or five panelists followed by a discussion with the audience. MPs - including shadow ministers - participate fully, some of them dashing from one meeting to the next like couriers on a delivery round.
Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell seemed to be everywhere, sometimes a little breathless, but indefatigable, and concealing whatever exhaustion he might have felt behind a bon mot and an easy command of his brief.
That brief - honed over years of opposition, battleground defeats and strategic revision - is the most radical since the Labour government of 1945 under Clement Attlee. It includes renationalisation of public utilities and the railways, legislation to force large companies to allocate shares to employees and to have worker representation on boards of directors, an end to ruinously expensive PFI contracts, major infrastructural invesment in all regions of the UK, an end to free schools and the fragmentation of our educational system, and so on. Its fundamental principles are twofold: to launch a counterattack against neoliberalism, which has governed public policy since Thatcher and has catalysed a savage rise in inequality; and to restore a sense of empowerment and economic dignity to those millions who have been betrayed and impoverished by Tory austerity. Popular in the Conference auditorium and doubtless among many voters, Labour’s ambitious programme of economic reform evokes alarm and contempt in sections of the right-wing media, and perhaps a degree of panic in Tory ranks.
What of Brexit, dangerous ground for both Labour and Tories alike? At a hearts-on-sleeve fringe session, I heard MPs Ben Bradshaw, Caroline Flint and Stephen Kinnock plus Professor Anand Menon offer opposing views of what the party should do when Mrs May returns from Brussels with or without a deal. Ben Bradshaw favoured a second referendum with ‘Remain’ among the options on the ballot paper, a posture that Caroline Flint argued against because she felt it would fail to unite the country, while Stephen Kinnock advocated membership of EFTA (the European Free Trade Association) - the so-called Norway option with access to the EEA (European Economic Area). Anand Menon spoke learnedly but left his listeners unclear as to what, if anything, he was recommending. The variety of views on Brexit reportedly led to a six-hour tussle among MPs and delegates that ended with a position to which none of the contending parties could withhold consent, namely to leave all options on the table. Conference was thus left with what looked like a pecking order of initiatives:
- acceptance of May’s deal in the unlikely event she achieves a slam dunk negotiation;
- a call for fresh elections if she fails to get her deal through parliament;
- a second referendum if parliament - like the main parties - is unable to agree on an alternative course of action.
In his Conference address, the Labour leader, after an oblique reference to the arduousness of the negotiation that produced this sequence, stated that the Party now had a settled Brexit position. Well…. maybe.
Despite the superabundance of meetings, Labour’s 2018 Conference showed a disappointing lack of concern for the globalised world in which we now we live. Conflict in the Middle East, the issue of Israel and the Palestinians, and British arms sales to belligerent states received attention. But I heard little on the refugee crisis, and on the burning question of the UK’s relationship with Russia. Other regions of the world - Africa, the Far East, Latin America - were absent from Labour’s agenda, while Canada and USA were acknowledged merely as targets or models for trade deals. Europe figured in terms of Brexit, but not otherwise. Two scheduled meetings on foreign policy - the only two - were cancelled without explanation. A correspondent from Austria asked me why no one at the Conference seemed interested in or even know much about the rest of Europe. “Islanders,” I replied, “are insular.” Post Brexit we are supposed to be reaching out to the world; but so far Labour has shown scant evidence of understanding what that might imply.
And the denouement? Brexit aside, Corbyn’s closing address conveyed a sense of direction that it had lacked at the Brighton Conference a year earlier. He is not a natural orator, but he has worked hard at the arts of timing and emphasis, and he now has a programme to deliver that is radical, well-thought-out and thoroughly rehearsed. At the end he left his audience stirred by the prospect, under a Labour government, of a better, more egalitarian, more humane , more honest, more principled, more socially responsible country. Labour’s programme is at once ambitious and for Party members, at least, both credible and inspiring.
Leaving the Conference precinct after Corbyn’s speech I made my way through Liverpool One - the city’s magnificent, traffic-free retail and leisure zone. It was crowded with shoppers, strollers, people relaxing on benches, or enjoying the hospitality of bars and restaurants.
Street musicians entertained - competing with each other for attention and coin. Like Coleridge’s Ancient Mariner, I stopped a few pedestrians to ask what they knew or thought of the Labour Party Conference. A few said they aware of it, but most were not, and none showed much interest in the event, nor trust in the promises of politicians. Therein, perhaps, lies the true challenge not just for Labour but for all political parties. Annual Party Conferences are bubbles of purpose, passion, and of a shared sense of hope and solidarity among the faithful. In the world outside, however, life goes on as before, and what most people learn of Party manifestos comes not from participation in conferences, but from snippets of news, and sound-bites from commentators more anxious to provoke than to enlighten. Labour now has a coherent programme and a corps of conviction politicians ready to work on implemention. The task that remains is to convince.











Monday, May 28, 2018

Venezuela's Presidential Election

If there’s such a thing as a ‘nation non grata’, Venezuela in its current political configuration would be near the top of the list on both sides of the North Atlantic. From the moment when Hugo Chavez first won the presidency in 1998 - he was twice re-elected and died in office in 2013 - Western governments and the media viewed him with a combination of alarm and contempt. Charismatic, left-wing, deeply hostile to neoliberalism, Chavez made clear that his aim was to transform Venezuela’s social, economic and political landscape. At the core of his domestic programme lay a determination to provide the two-thirds of the population then living below the UN official poverty line with access to health care, education and the prospect of a dignified life. Revenues from oil during a period of high world prices furnished the necessary funds and, as UN Human Development Reports show, the programme achieved some, at least, of its initial objectives. Internationally, Chavez aimed to reduce if not eliminate what he felt to be the economic and the political domination of his country by the United States; and he collaborated with other like-minded governments in Latin America to achieve the same at continental level. He called his political programme, the “Bolivarian Revolution” and even changed the country’s formal name to the “Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela” - in honour of Simón Bolívar, the great 19th century leader of South America’s independence from Spain. Romantic certainly, but a permanent reminder that independence - the right of a nation to choose its own destiny lay - and continues to lie - at the heart of the “Chavista” project.
For some within the country, the Bolivarian Revolution has always been an anathema. An attempt to unseat Chavez by force in 2002 nearly succeeded. It was foiled by the army which has remained a stout defender of the country’s democracy. Nicolas Maduro, Chavez’ successor, has met with a different kind of resistance: street violence and calls from opponents for the United States to help topple Maduro and his “regime”. Maduro is a substantial figure, with an impressive command of the stage; but he came to power during an economic downturn brought on by a dramatic fall in the price of oil; and he won the 2013 election - with very narrow majority - to cries of fraud from the supporters of his right-wing opponent, Henrique Capriles. Without the oil revenues that had financed Chavez’s social policies, Venezuela’s ill-balanced economy with its heavy dependence on oil became evident. Imports of food, medicines and consumer goods fell away, creating shortages that severely affected the less-well-off.
Devaluation of the national currency - the Bolívar - began then and has continued at an increasingly rapid pace. At the time of writing, the unofficial exchange rate is 1 million Bolívares to US$1, down from 250 thousand Bolívares a month ago. Tomorrow there may be a further fall. Long queues form daily outside supermarkets and banks - evidence of the acute shortage of both goods and currency. Distribution of food and household products is largely controlled by the private sector and there is evidence of hoarding and reluctance to supply poorer neighbourhoods. A US embargo on trade and financial transactions with Venezuela has made it difficult to import essential goods and has probably done more to impoverish the less-well-off than to damage the Maduro government. Compounding the economic distress is the permanent insecurity caused by casual gun crime, robberies in the street at gunpoint, and “express kidnaps” in which victims are invited to empty their bank accounts in exchange for their lives. Such was the societal context of the May 20 elections.
Equally disquieting has been the attitude of the so-called West. Canada, the United States and the European Union have dismissed the elections as invalid, despite having called for them. Urged on by the Trump administration, six Latin-American countries have followed suit. For these international accusers, Nicolás Maduro is a ruthless, corrupt dictator, the elections a breach of Venezuela’s constitution, and the results de facto fraudulent.
Unsurprisingly Maduro’s opponents don’t approve of him and they’re alarmed at the state of the country. But as the campaign drew to a close, none - even under close questioning - repeated the accusations against him made by the United States and the EU. And all expressed confidence in an electoral system that US President Carter has described as the best in the world, though that didn’t prevent Henri Falcón, Maduro’s closest rival, from crying foul moments after learning of his defeat. Entirely digital, but with an automated manual verification back-up, the electoral system is designed with multiple safeguards against fraud. As an international observer, I had the opportunity not only to watch the system in action but to explore its workings. It is impressively efficient, with results available within a few hours of the closure of the polls. Among our observer group were officials responsible for electoral processes in their own country. They could find no fault in Venezuela’s system. Maduro’s electoral victory with just over two-thirds of the vote was more than comfortable; though the turnout at 46% was dangerously low by Venezuelan standards and has given rise to charges both within and beyond the country that the election lacked legitimacy. An abstention campaign by the right-wing MUD coalition (Mesa de la Unidad Democrática) undoubtedly had some negative effect on turnout, but general disaffection with politics and politicians in the face of increasing economic hardship will also have played a role in discouraging participation, not least because none of the candidates took the trouble to explain how they proposed to pull the country out of its current mess.
Meanwhile, foreign media have been making hay with defamatory rhetoric - much of it consisting of outright fabrications. On May 20th, Venezuela’s election day, we international observers, who had spent a week investigating Venezuela’s electoral procedures and meeting with campaign managers of all four candidates, learned from the Guardian/Observer website that we had been barred from the country and were not really there. “Venezuela has fallen to a dictator” screamed a Guardian headline two days later, assuring readers that the elections were fraudulent, and that among the methods employed by the regime to remain in power was “violent censorship of the press,” an assertion especially remarkable because most of the Venezuelan newspapers are openly hostile to Maduro. Perhaps the Guardian doesn’t read them. Milder, though no less larded with prejudice, was the Telegraph’s May 21st headline: “Nicolás Maduro filmed victoriously waving to an empty plaza after a ‘sham’ election,” the editor having apparently forgotten that on the previous day his newspaper had described Maduro speaking to a crowd of cheering supporters after his election victory. Similarly threadbare complaints against Venezuela are available courtesy of The Economist, the New Statesman, the Washington Post, the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, The Wall Street Journal and no doubt many others.
Most of the media venom directed at the Venezuelan government is evidence-free and based on little more than rote copying from press releases issued by the United States, the European Union and other hostile governments. All decline to acknowledge that despite the intense international pressure on the country and its disquieting economic situation, Venezuelans have spoken, and have demonstrated more than anything that they do not wish to be told what to think and do by foreign governments and media.
The freshly-elected government’s immediate task, a huge one, will be to rebuild Venezuela’s shattered economy. Whether Maduro and his team are able to accomplish this while maintaining peace within the country remains to be seen. Some would undoubtedly prefer to see them fail. What they and the people of Venezuela need and deserve from the rest of the world, however, is not hostility but respect , support and recognition of their right as a soveign people to decide their future for themselves.

Thursday, August 10, 2017

Venezuela: Lies, Damned lies and the Media


“… the newspaper that started to tell the truth now exists to prevent the truth being told.”
(G.K. Chesterton: Orthodoxy, 1908)

Hard to imagine a better example of Chesterton’s barb than the unremitting assault on the current Venezuelan government by much if not all of the Western media. Like parrots, they repeat the critical howls of politicians and pundits whose opinions they might otherwise view with scepticism, among them Donald Trump and Michel Temer, the unelected president of Brazil. Even Pope Francis has come out against Venezuelan President Maduro’s “regime”, but then the Catholic Church has a track record in these matters. It also sided with the Chilean military in the coup against Salvador Allende’s government in 1973.
    No one can credibly dispute that Venezuela is in a mess. Reasons to criticise the ineptness of the Venezuelan administration are not hard to find; though the same could be said of plenty of others - including the ones currently residing in the White House and Downing Street, neither of whom won the popular vote in their respective elections.  Nevertheless, Venezuela is a functioning democracy with an elected president whose term ends in 2018.  Should Maduro stand again,  he can be democratically defenestrated, and there has been no suggestion that the next election will not take place on time.
    Why, therefore, the calls for regime change? Whence the hostility of the international media? Why, above all, is the Venezuelan government being tasked with acts of violence for which the Opposition is largely if not entirely responsible? It is the latter that has been setting fire to public buildings, attacking medical centres, erecting street barricades, destroying or blocking access to polling stations, using molotov cocktails and roadside bombs against police and security personnel, and horrifically burning alive the odd “Chavista” in broad daylight - aggressions that have been caught on camera - mostly by passers-by. 
    Such outrages would be termed ‘acts of terrorism’ in the countries now calling for Maduro’s head; and the perpetrators would be in gaol.   Over 3,000 arrests followed the 2011 riots in England with nearly 1,300 receiving gaol sentences. Politicians and media alike called them “criminals”.  Their more vicious and deadly Venezuelan counterparts, on the other hand, receive billing as heroic “political prisoners” confronting a repressive regime. Notable among these heroes are Opposition leaders Leopoldo López and former Caracas mayor Antonio Ledezma, both currently under house arrest for fomenting street violence - the former having already been tried and convicted in 2015 of responsibility for inciting riots that led to over 40 fatalities.
    Among the most egregious and disappointing purveyors of disinformation on Venezuela is the BBC.  On 29th July, BBC News broadcast a truly virtuoso piece of misrepresentation in which most of the interviewees were juveniles wearing masks, though viewers were also treated to a  smorgasbord of anti-government slogans from Opposition activist María Corina Machado who was a signatory to the attempted coup against Hugo Chavez in 2002 and has worked tirelessly ever since to overthrow his successor - including appealing for US intervention.  BBC Newsnight on August 7th, treated viewers to an interview with Juan Andrés Mejía who was introduced as the leader of “Popular Will”  a Venezuelan political party supposedly “of the left”.  Sr Mejía - a Member of the Venezuelan National Assembly - recited the standard  Opposition line, accusing the Maduro government of murdering and torturing hundreds of civilians, a charge for which no one, anywhere, at any time has been able to offer the least shred of evidence for the simple reason that it’s untrue.
    What the BBC failed to mention is that Mejía’s constituency in Caracas is the wealthiest in the country, that his party was founded not by him but by Leopoldo López, that its raison-d’être was and remains to organise “La Salida” which, in plain English, means toppling the government, and that it is a member of MUD - the Opposition coalition.  In place of host Evan Davis’s usual forensic interrogation, Newsnight’s Venezuelan guest received a green light to pile lie upon falsehood with no other restraint than the time allotted for the interview. 
    On the following morning, BBC Radio 4’s Today Programme - scraping the barrel for Venezuelan pundits - came up with Gabriela Montero, a classical pianist and composer who lives in Barcelona but happens to have been born in Venezuela.  A safe choice, She dutifully trotted out a handful of Opposition clichés of the kind available for a pittance on the newsstands or free of charge over the airwaves and on the Web. Not once has the BBC bothered to interview what are known in Latin America as “el pueblo”, the people - trades unionists, rural workers, the disabled, indigenous peoples  - who make up the bulk of the population and who are all represented in the recently-elected Constituent Assembly.
    Domestically, the assault on Venezuela’s government and the “Bolivarian Revolution” comes from the traditional masters of the country and its economy - the wealthy elite whose younger members have been busy over recent months erecting street barricades and causing mayhem while the elders ramp up the political rhetoric and employ their control of key business sectors to generate shortages of essential goods, notably in the working-class areas of the main cities. Shortages are useful to the Opposition because they are seen as a means of weakening support for the regime. Getting the poorer classes to vote or to act against their own interests is a prime tactic of the neoliberal right. Governments invariably take the blame for popular misfortunes regardless of how they are caused or who may be responsible.
    Venezuela has become a target of international concern for two main reasons.
First, it has the world’s largest oil reserves - currently estimated at 300 billion barrels. Despite the impact of fossil fuels on the global climate, oil deposits of this magnitude give the country a strategic value similar to that of the Middle East. Successive US administrations have therefore looked askance at the efforts of  a ”left-wing regime” under Hugo Chavez and now Nicolas Maduro to strengthen economic and political ties beyond the western hemisphere.  Evidence of those efforts is a surge in Chinese support for the Venezuelan economy in the form of both loans and investment. As recently as June this year, planning minister Ricardo Menendez revealed that high-level discussions were underway to increase further Chinese involvement in Venezuelan agriculture, industry and technological development.
    Second, Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution - were it to succeed - might offer an example that another world is possible and thereby contaminate the opinions of voters in Latin America and beyond. Hence why a push is underway by the local elite in tacit alliance with Western governments and the international media to keep not only Venezuela but Latin-America as a whole within the neoliberal fold.  Last year, a  congressional coup in Brazil removed left-wing President Dilma Roussef from office and installed a right-wing replacement - with no election in prospect. There have been coups against left-wing presidents in Paraguay in 2008 and Honduras in 2009; and a probably fraudulent election in Mexico in 2006 that kept left-wing radical, Andés Manuel López Obrador,  from getting the keys to Los Pinos - the presidential residence. In Chile the left is constrained by a constitution framed in the 1970s under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet  that makes changes virtually impossible.
    Only Bolivia, Cuba, Ecuador and Venezuela remain as hold-outs for the left - of which the latter is by far the most significant for the West. The country is suffering a major assault not just on the Maduro administration but on a political project - the Bolivarian Revolution - that for the first time in Venezuela’s history has given the poor access to health care, education and the prospect of dignified participation in the nation’s economic life. That assault is being orchestrated by the wealthiest sections of Venezuelan society with the overt backing of the United States , the European Union and much of Latin America. Should it succeed, it will be a triumph not for democracy but for neoliberal capitalism, and for government by the one percent. Such is the context of calls from Tories and from UK media for Jeremy Corbyn to condemn President Maduro. Corbyn is right to resist them. Venezuela’s struggle is also ours.

Tuesday, May 16, 2017

The Ermita de Llutxent

  
    Taizé - my usual room at the Ermita - is now part of a bathroom with double showers and all the necessaries of modernity.  Fifty years ago bathrooms were rudimentary. We showered in the garden, hauling water in buckets from one of the underground cisterns, pouring the cold water over each other and drying ourselves in the early morning sun. Free as nature made us, we bathed naked as mankind must have done before the fall.

    Named after the Community of Brothers in the village of Taizé, the room reflected the austerity of the order - whitewashed walls, a bed, a small wooden desk, a chair and a lamp.  And like them,  it offered spirituality and peace to whoever rested there, a sense that simplicity  and an unceasing openness to truth are the keys not to happiness,  which is a paltry, evanescent  thing, but to leading a productive and faithful life - faithful to the best that human beings can be, which is to serve humanity and to do what we can to safeguard our fragile world.

    Though the room is no more,  the Ermita remains. Externally little has changed. Mediterranean pines now obscure the view to the ruined Moorish castle lower down in the valley, but the stone column topped by a cross still guards the perspective,  and  the rough cobblestones of the forecourt and the heavy wooden doors of the entrance are as they were, unmoved by the passing of time.
    Within, new terracotta floor tiles have mostly replaced the old ones that 250 years of use and the imperceptible but implacable movement of the earth had rendered worn and uneven. Fresh water comes directly from the village below,  so that the cisterns that stored rainwater from the roofs are no longer in use. And the outbuildings that lay across the patio fell down years ago leaving only a façade. S and I slept in one of its rooms (Taizé being too small for a couple) and one night watched amused and startled as a rainstorm surged through one  door, picked up our sandals, and bore them through the lower door into the orchard.

    What remains is what matters: echoing corridors, chambers of rustic simplicity, and a chapel at the heart whose stately virgin enthroned in an intricately-carved retablo, gazes into an atrium lined with eighteenth century tile paintings depicting the victory of the Christians over the Moors; while high above, in the cupola, four stained-glass windows by Alfred Manessier shine with brilliant particoloured light as if from heaven. No one who comes to the Ermita can be in any doubt it is a holy place; but it is also one where for a time artists and writers convened, where conversation round the dinner table in the kitchen sparkled with wit and with the laughter of young men preparing for the priesthood.
    Everyone’s story of the Ermita is different. Mine begins in a farmhouse outside Paris, country home of the Manessier family. S and I, teenagers in the flush of first love, were weekend guests,  thrilled to be in the home of an artist whose works then occupied an entire salon of the Musée d’Art Moderne in Paris.  Seated next to me at dinner was a man in his sixties dressed in the black tunic of a village priest.  Portly in the style of a Catholic cleric, he spoke rapid French with careless disregard of grammar and with an accent unmistakably Iberian, but neither defect interfered with his ability to induce laughter in his listeners, or with the sense he gave of  possessing an inquiring, educated and impressive mind. His eyes were kindly, yet piercing and restless as if in constant search for a truth that lay beyond mere vision - the spirit or essence of whatever met his gaze.
    He was introduced to me as “Don Alfonso”, but he told me that his full name was Alfonso Roig Izquierdo, “Don” being a term of respect accorded by general consent in Spain to those considered to deserve it. Roig Izquierdo, his twin surnames, he told me delightedly, meant “Red Left” which coincided with his political views, though he would be grateful if I would avoid mentioning this to the Pope.
    Conversation at table centred on the relationship between art and religion in the modern world - a subject on which Don Alfonso whom I later learned was a renowned teacher and art historian clearly knew a great deal, as did Alfred Manessier who, by that stage in his career, would have assented to being described as an artist of deeply spiritual inspiration. Conscious of my youth and lack of knowledge, I was content to listen, aware that I could add nothing of interest to the discussion. Towards the end of the meal, however, Don Alfonso addressed me directly. “Who,” he asked, “Is your father?”
    I hesitated before answering truthfully that I didn’t know because I had never met him.
    “In that case,” he said, looking directly into my eyes, “I am your father.”
Something in Don Alfonso’s regard, the gentle determination of  his voice as he spoke those words, told me that he meant what he said. And so it proved.
    “You are to visit me in Valencia whenever you can,” he told me as we said our farewells at the end of that magical weekend. “And from now on you can call me Alfonset, the diminutive of Alfons in Valenciano -  Valencia’s version of Catalán.
    In term time, Alfons, lived in the city of Valencia where he taught at the Metropolitan Seminary of Montcada, and the San Carlos School of Fine Arts. During vacations, and especially in the heat of summer, he moved to the Ermita which stands on a hillside overlooking the village of Llutxent and the Albaida Valley. Two hundred metres further up the hill is an abandoned monastery now largely restored, from the grounds of which the ruined Moorish castle remains visible in the middle distance. Terraces of olive, almond, citrus trees and vines descend from the hillsides into the valley - the Moorish system of cultivation designed to retain soil and moisture and never bettered in a region where rain may fall no more than a handful of times a year.
    So for the remainder of my schooldays, and throughout my years at university, I spent part of my vacations in my father’s house, occasionally with S, but more often unaccompanied.
    Men of the cloth in Spain were, by definition, bachelors, and Alfons, who gave little thought to domesticity,  would have been hard put to look after himself were it not for the women of a certain age who in Valencia as in the Ermita, kept house for him, laundered his clothes, and cooked for him and his guests.
    Local clerics, writers and teachers were frequent visitors but many others, especially artists and religious thinkers, came from further afield.  From time to time, Manessier and his wife would drive down from Paris to spend a few weeks at the Ermita; and each day, after breakfast, Alfred would go off into the countryside with his sketchbook  returning in the evening with pages of drawings.  These, at length, he turned into an exhibition of paintings at the Galerie de France in Paris entitled “Terre d’Espagne”.
    A small group of students at the seminary, attracted as much to Alfons’ magnetic personality as to his intellectual brilliance, formed part of a circle of acolytes. They grew to love him as did everyone who knew him well - laughing at his foibles which were many - while seeking his advice and imbibing his wisdom. Most, perhaps all, of these young man suffered from knowing that as trainees for the priesthood, they were preparing for a life of abstinence and would never experience the heaven of a woman’s body - or of a man’s if their desires led in such a direction. In this Alfons could not help them. Scion of an impoverished rural family, he had entered the Church in his youth as a means of obtaining an education. And though I believe he was religious in his own way, he had little time for canonical strictures, and seemed to approve the idea that youngsters such as S and I could spend the night in each other’s arms. So far as I am aware, none of that group are now men of the cloth; for which, I believe, Alfons would have happily taken the blame. One of them now lives at the Ermita with his wife.
    Not that Alfons felt free to voice his ideas within earshot of the local public. The Ermita occupies a role in the religious life of tthe village and the valley. Whoever lives there is by definition guardian of Mary, Mother of the Lord of Consolation, Virgin of the Ermita, a duty that must remain forever untainted by scandal or the least suggestion that unCatholic ideas might ever find expression within its walls. Because those whom Alfons invited to the Ermita were more often than not free thinkers,  he kept apart from village life, though  he threw open the doors of the Ermita on September 8 for the festival of the Virgin when people would come from far and wide to pray and to partake of a feast cooked in the Ermita’s kitchens by local volunteers. On such a day, the Ermita echoed with the sound of prayer in the chapel, and with the excited voices of people preparing and consuming a superabundance of food and wine.
    Otherwise and more familiarly, the sounds of the Ermita were of birdsong and the buzzing of wasps and crickets, footsteps in the corridor, the quiet hum of a discussion in a courtyard; and daily, while she lived, the piercing voice of Señora Felicidad, wife of the previous owner, singing the poetic hymn to  the Virgin of the Ermita in the chapel:
Puix bé, gràcia i salvació
posà Déu en vostra mà
Sigau per a tot cristià
Mare de Consolació

     On most days we dined simply and sparely: bread, watermelon, eggs and wine from the village, figs from the tree outside the kitchen picked in the cool of dawn, prickly pears from the cactus in the orchard, rice grown and dried further down the valley; local produce hewn from the sun-baked terrain by a combination of toil and millennia of accumulated knowledge of how to turn dry, rocky earth into fertile soil. 
    Occasionally, to celebrate the arrival of a guest or as a farewell gesture to a departing one, Alfons would order a paella. This would be no ordinary, common-or-garden dish of the kind available in countless restaurants, but a paella de la montaña of rabbit, chicken, pork and white beans, cooked by Tío Salvador over an open fire in the downstairs kitchen. Thin, wiry, with a white stubble on his chin and a mordant wit,  Tío Salvador was secretive about his methods. He suffered me to watch him on a couple of occasions, and even allowed me to write down his sequence of “moves”; but he refused to reveal his special ingredient, a mixture of ground herbs that imparted a rich yet subtle flavour to the rice, and whose recipe I believe he took to the grave.
    Conversation during meals and in their wake was the seminal communal activity at the Ermita; but activities of the spirit in the stillness of our rooms occupied most of our daylight hours - though for younger members of the community, of whom I was one, the contemplative life sometimes had to give way to duties of a more mundane kind - mainly the harvesting of nature’s gifts from the orchard, especially of almonds, an unpleasant labour  from which we emerged caked in a sweaty congealment of dust, dry leaves and tiny insects.
    The Ermita might appear isolated and even remote to the casual visitor,  but for those privileged to have known the silent refuge of its walls, and shared meals round the kitchen table - Alfons presiding - with artists, writers, priests and peasants, it can’t fail to occupy a special place in their thoughts; though in the end, it is not so much the building we are likely to remember, as the people it evokes, and the spirit it awakens in us.
 I type these words in the room Alfons himself once slept in, on the crude 18th century desk where he wrote his last essays, and beneath a photograph of Miguel Hernandez, the great Valencian poet who died in jail at the hands of General Francisco Franco.
    Once, as a seventeen or eighteen- year old,  I arrived at the Ermita unannounced with my rucksack. It was the evening of 7th of September and the Ermita was full of people organising the annual feast for the following day. Alfons had gone to a meeting and not yet returned, and in his absence I met a hostile reception: the Ermita was full, Alfons was not expecting me, he would be furious at this sudden imposition on his generosity, I would do well to take a bus to Xátiva - the nearest town - where I would find accommodation, and so on. I was on the point of following this severe advice when Alfons showed up. On seeing me, he at once enfolded me in his arms, after which he took a book from his room and before all those present read to me one of  Miguel Hernandez’s most celebrated poems - the Nanas de la Cebolla - composed for the poet’s young son:
….ríete mucho.
Es tu risa en los ojos
la luz del mundo……

….Tu risa me hace libre,
me pone alas…..
Es tu risa la espada
más victoriosa……

….Vencedor de las flores
y las alondras.
Rival del sol.
Porvenir de mis huesos
y de mi amor.